In the Otavalo area of the northern highlands of Ecuador, over the last two or three decades, indigenous textile merchants and musicians have become prosperous entrepreneurs and binational transmigrants, working and living both in Ecuador and in Europe, North America, or other Latin American countries. In so doing, they have challenged both the sociopolitical and economic domination of white-mestizo townspeople in Otavalo and widespread notions of what authentic Andean Indians should be (agricultural, poor, etc.).

In Andean Entrepreneurs, Lynn Meisch outlines the emergence of weaving and its commercialization in this zone, demonstrating the pre-Columbian roots of local textile production, how that production was reorganized for tribute payment under Spanish authorities, and how local producers have created new goods to satisfy changing market demands since the 1940s. Part of her argument is that rapid change in designs and materials is itself traditional—in the sense of having deep historical roots—and, so, the recent adoption of synthetic fibers to satisfy new demands should not be seen as somehow inauthentic.

Similarly, in discussing local musical traditions, Meisch provides a detailed and historically situated narrative of the production and commercialization of local music since the 1980s, a period that has seen the recording of compact discs in international music studios for the consumption of Otavalos at home, for the large numbers of Ecuadorians living abroad, and for foreign consumers. In particular, Meisch shows how indigenous musicians themselves have drawn on popular—and usually inaccurate—images of authentic Andean culture in their effort to succeed in the international ethnopop music scene. One anecdote she relates concerns a collaboration between an Italian ethnopop group and Otavalo musicians. The resulting Andean music, played by Italians and recorded in Italy, is mistaken by many Otavalos themselves for locally composed and produced music.

As entrepreneurs of music and textiles, significant numbers of Otavalo Indians have migrated internationally on a seasonal or semipermanent basis, and extensive migrant networks exist in Holland, Spain, the United States, Canada, and Colombia, among other countries. Just as their products have been influenced by global trends and Otavalos themselves have become global travelers, their hometown—particularly the well-known Saturday craft market—has become an important destination for international tourists. One innovative aspect of Meisch’s discussion of tourism is her attention to its sexual politics, especially female tourists who are attracted to what one of them called “Madison Avenue Andean Indians” with “long hair, high cheekbones, white teeth, [who are] well-built, nice-dressed, friendly.” (p. 215). The plethora of gringa–Otavaleño liaisons since the mid-1980s is due to factors such as the unusual prosperity of Otavalo Indians as they have capitalized on international markets for ethnic goods and to the improved health and nutrition among Otavalos that has resulted in much taller sons in relation to fathers. Indians’ greater success with foreign women (due partly to these women’s search for the exotic) is just one more source of tension between Indians and white-mestizos in a context in which much of the local economic power and, recently, local political power, as well, are in the hands of Indians.

With its thoroughgoing challenge to notions of authenticity and tradition, Andean Entrepreneurs is well suited for use in undergraduate courses. Given the two decades of research that the author has undertaken in this region and her long-term relationships with more than two dozen compadres and godchildren in Otavalo, the narrative is rich with anecdotes that reveal the complexities of globalization, in its many different manifestations, as it affects this area.

Nonetheless, I have two criticisms of this book. One is that, in several chapters, Meisch presents large amounts of undigested primary information: I think here of the extensive descriptions of compact disc cover images and text and of the repetitive quotes from ethnohistorical sources about local music or textile production. This material could usefully have been edited to distill the points central to the author’s argument. My second criticism concerns the emphasis on changing power relations between Otavalo Indians and white-mestizo townspeople. Such a focus allows scant attention to changing relations among the Indians themselves, as some prosper and others are impoverished as they all struggle with the challenges and opportunities associated with globalization.

Despite these criticisms, I plan to adopt this book for use in a Latin American ethnography course I teach, and I look forward to seeing my students confront prevalent stereotypes of Andean Indians, so usefully deconstructed in this monograph.